Monday, February 18, 2008

Fact Sheet: Arbitration between ExxonMobil and Venezuela

Fact Sheet: Arbitration between ExxonMobil and Venezuela

Despite Venezuela's proposal for an amicable solution and an ongoing international arbitration process, ExxonMobil has resorted to aggressive, unilateral and coercive measures to disqualify any proposed solution, something that could be described as "judiciary terrorism." Venezuela's intention has been to bring illegal oil projects from the rich Orinoco Oil Belt into its legal framework and thus stop the continued transferring of resources needed for social development from the People of Venezuela to the coffers of large foreign multinational companies. This has been accepted by all oil companies operating in Venezuela, except ExxonMobil.

The Orinoco Oil Belt and the Slow Privatization of Natural Resources


The Orinoco Oil Belt is considered the largest hydrocarbons deposit on the planet, containing up to 1.4 trillion barrels of heavy crude oil. It will allow Venezuela to become the country with the largest proven crude oil reserves in the world - 315 billion barrels of oil - by the year 2009.  With a total production cost of around $ 7 per barrel of light synthetic crude oil, this area represents one of the most profitable fields in the world, particularly when compared with the Canadian Tar sands developments or with any offshore oil developments.

In the 1990s, through a series of dubious legal measures intended to reverse Venezuela's 1975 nationalization of its oil industry, private oil companies began to explore for oil in different parts of the country including in the Orinoco Oil Belt. At that time, royalties paid by the foreign companies amounted to only 1% of the value of oil extracted from the ground. Furthermore, all contracts intended to subordinate the sovereignty of the State to foreign institutions and make PDVSA a sort of hostage of foreign international oil companies, thus allowing them to manipulate the Venezuelan State.

The 2001 Hydrocarbons Law

This situation was corrected when the Hydrocarbons Law of 2001 ratified Venezuelan sovereignty over its natural resources. The law also mandated adjustments to all strategic association contracts while allowing private investment in the oil industry. Under the new contracts, the state maintains majority ownership in the projects and the tax and royalties incomes were increased.

The adoption of this new legal framework led to an amicable negotiation process in which 30 out of 32 operating agreements were transferred into new mixed companies.

It was following decree number 5,200, issued by the National Assembly of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on February 27th 2007 and consistant with the new Hydrocarbons Law of 2001, that Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), Venezuela's national oil company started the negotiations that included the new ownership structure of the projects of the Orinoco Oil Belt.

Compensation Talks and Negotiations in 2007

Last July all companies that participated in the Orinoco Oil Belt were invited to negotiate with full transparency a smooth hand-over of equity stakes so as to make PDVSA the majority stake holder as provided under Venezuelan law. While Chevron, Statoil, Total, ENI, BP and Sinopec agreed to the handover, only ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips chose to reject the terms of the new joint ventures.

Paradoxically, Exxon-Mobil had been among the first companies to sign the memorandums of understanding that allowed Venezuela to assume majority equity stakes in the Orinoco Belt.
 
Chevron, Statoil, Total, ENI, BP and Sinopec all signed agreements transferring 60 to 83% of their oil interests to the Venezuelan national oil company PDVSA. In compensation talks, Total (France) and Statoil-Hydro ASA (Norway) received remuneration of $ 1.1 billion from PDVSA in exchange for majority ownership of the Sincor project in the Orinoco Oil Belt.
 
ExxonMobil has not written down the value of its 41.7% stake of the Orinoco Oil Belt field from its financial reports, which only represented approximately 2% of the company's worldwide production. While the company has not announced the compensation it is expecting to receive from this field, experts estimate it at $ 750 million.

Since an agreement for compensation has not been reached, ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips resorted to international arbitration, an option that was provided in the initial contract. Exxon's dispute revolves around two joint ventures: the Cerro Negro project and the La Ceiba project. In September, Exxon affiliates filed an arbitration claim with the International Center for Settlement Disputes against the Venezuela government seeking the fair market value of the expropriated investments.

Negotiations have however continued with ConocoPhillips so as to arrive to a fair agreement. ExxonMobil preferred to resort to more aggressive, unilateral and coercive methods, thus rejecting any attempts made by Venezuela to find an amicable solution.
 
It is important to note that last year PDVSA purchased 99% of the Cerro Negro project bonds at a cost of $ 501 million as well as the Hamaca project's debt of $ 129 million.
 
Present Situation
 
Despite all efforts made by Venezuela to arrive to a fair negotiated settlement, using the legal and procedural tools provided in the contract, ExxonMobil decided to mobilize an additional legal battle against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and PDVSA, an act that showed lack of respect for the terms of international arbitration.
 
ExxonMobil introduced three lawsuits, one in an American court, one in a British court, and one in a Dutch court against PDVSA in an attempt to exercise legal pressure on Venezuela. All of them have issued temporary precautionary measures against PDVSA and are awaiting PDVSA's response.
 
According to ExxonMobil spokespersons these measures are taken under the premises that PDVSA will not dispose of enough funds to compensate ExxonMobil after a settlement is decided in the arbitration courts.
 
The measures are, however, made unnecessary by the following facts: 
  • Venezuela has never defaulted in the payment of any of its debts, including in previous nationalization processes.
  • Venezuela has reduced it's foreign public debt from over $31 billion in 2004 to $25.9 billion at the end of 2007.
  • PDVSA's current global assets are estimated at approximately $107 billion.
  • PDVSA's Debt to Equity ratio is one of the lowest worldwide for an Integrated Oil Company of the size of the Venezuelan enterprise.
  • If taking into account the Orinoco Oil Belt, Venezuela has the largest crude oil reserves in the world.
  • PDVSA's credit rating has not been affected, even with these announcements.
U.S. Court: This court accepted the temporary freezing of $ 315,000,000 from a fund that receives the income from the Chalmette refinery, a 50-50 joint venture between ExxonMobil and PDVSA.
 
British and Dutch Courts: Both courts temporarily froze PDVSA's assets with up to a value of $12 billion.

Venezuela and PDVSA have continuously proven their respect for signed contracts and international law and will therefore continue to strive for a fair settlement in the arbitration cases.

The announcement of the cessation of business relations with ExxonMobil is the result of that company's aggressive and coercive behavior against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. However, the decision applies only to spot-market purchases, and does not affect already established supply contracts.

The value of the precautionary action is far higher than what ExxonMobil could hope to receive in compensation for the project it abandoned in the Orinoco Oil Belt. Moreover, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela rejects suggestions that PDVSA operations would be negatively affected by ExxonMobil's attempt to freeze its assets, or by other moves to undermine Venezuela's sovereign management of natural resources to benefit the people of Venezuela.

ExxonMobil's real intentions are not very clear, but they have generated a situation of uncertainty in the global oil market, which has led to an increase in oil prices. They have also caused economic harm to Venezuela, generating a situation that affected its Sovereign bonds.

Lastly, and certainly most importantly, Venezuela demands that ExxonMobil respect international law as dictated by the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes.
 
Embajada de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela en Estados Unidos / 17-02-08


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Wednesday, February 13, 2008

Fluoridation's Evaporating Support - Juneau Says No To Floride In Water

Fluoridation's Evaporating Support
by Douglas Yates
http://www.esterrepublic.com/Archives/dyates2.html

In October, Alaska’s third-largest city asked voters to consider using fluoride to medicate the town’s water supply. The issue required a simple up or down vote, one that local water users were eminently qualified to make. The Chicago-based American Dental Association, an advocacy organization, didn’t see it that way. The ADA shipped in consultants, hired gofers, and purchased ad space in all the media outlets.

The advertising barrage, however, had little sway with capital-city residents; they failed to see the virtues of fluoride. In a landslide fashion, Juneau voted to ban the chemical, keeping its water some of the purest in the state.

Despite spending $167,000, the pro-fluoride forces garnered a feeble 38 percent. The clean water folks, polling 62 percent, spent only $7,000 in media, relying on word of mouth and the Internet to spread the word.

Juneau’s vote demonstrates that fluoride has overstayed its welcome in many American municipalities. As a mandatory drug, fluoride is facing buyer’s remorse and outright refusal in a growing list of cities.

For sixty years this reactive chemical and highly poisonous substance has been touted to communities, the publicity cloaked in good intentions. The message has been: “Poor folks’ teeth need a quick fix to assure they enjoy the benefits of healthy teeth, just like rich folks. Fluoride is the ticket.”

The fluoride campaign began in the late 1930s and continues to this day. It was hatched at the highest levels of Alcoa, the aluminum mining and smelting corporation. Fluoride is a waste product produced during aluminum processing and requires special handling and disposal. Treating it as a hazardous material is expensive and eroded Aloca’s bottom line.

Today, Alcoa has been joined by US Steel, DuPont, Alcan, Reynolds Metals, Kaiser Aluminum, Allied Chemical, and the Florida phosphate fertilizer industry. Each contributes a share of the 155,000 tons of fluoride waste sold to municipal water systems nationwide. The operation is so sophisticated that its influence extends to academia, media, and government.

The net result is that three generations of Americans have been used as industrial waste filters. The vast majority of fluoride is then dumped into the environment via water treatment outfalls. In the case of Fairbanks, the chemical waste ends up in the Tanana River.

Fluoride’s political history is recounted in a recent book, The Fluoride Deception, by Christopher Bryson (published 2004). A former BBC reporter, Bryson investigated the origins of fluoride’s use in water systems and documents how an obscure finding purporting dental benefit was hijacked by major corporations to avoid the cost of doing business.

As reported by Bryson and others, the revolving door between industry and government, a research project faking fluoride’s effectiveness, and the perception-management wizardry of Edward Bernays allowed Alcoa and other fluoride-producing industries to begin shunting the waste into water systems.

Bernays was Sigmund Freud’s nephew and familiar with Freud’s psychological research. Historians believe this understanding was a critical element in selling fluoride to the American people. With its reputation as a commercial rat poison and use in Nazi and Soviet prison camps (it makes inmates docile), Bernays had an uphill climb. However, using psychological hot buttons (fear, greed, envy, guilt), and a compliant media, Bernays engineered fluoride’s social acceptance.

As it turns out, fluoride’s use in Soviet-era prison camps has a local connection. During World War II, President Roosevelt supported the Soviet Union with tons of military and industrial material. Called the Lend-Lease program, it was aimed at helping defeat the German army at Russia’s front door. Cargo airlifted from the Lower 48 was staged in Fairbanks at what is now Ft. Wainwright, where it was turned over to Russian pilots for flights over the Bering Strait. Among the cargo manifests are thousands of pounds of sodium fluoride.

It’s not known what Bernays thought of using fluoride for prison control. However, it’s clear from the following passage that he counted himself among the invisible elite:

The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. [Propaganda, reissued in 2004 by Ig Publishing]

For his success with fluoride, and earlier work for pork producers (“bacon and eggs for breakfast”) and cigarettes ("torches of liberty"), Bernays is considered the father of the public relations industry.

In many parts of the world, Bernays’ fluoride spin has been rejected. New science about how it alters body chemistry as well as a growing number of studies that show dental health in communities with fluoride fares no better than those without it, have canceled earlier support. Such was the justification offered by Zurich, Switzerland officials when fluoride was discontinued several years ago. Similar data has caused fluoride to be banned in Japan, China, India, and most of Europe. Fluoride’s strongholds are the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.

While fluoride proponents still have affiliates in national health organizations, many have withdrawn support. Among the health advocates opposing fluoride are: the American Academy of Allergy and Immunology, the American Academy of Diabetes, the American Cancer Society, the American Diabetes Association, the American Nurses Association, the American Psychiatric Association, the National Kidney Foundation, and the Society of Toxicology.

Some of the most effective anti-fluoride campaigners are former supporters. Consider Hardy Limeback, BSc, PhD, DDS, head of the Department of Preventive Dentistry for the University of Toronto and president of the Canadian Association for Dental Research. In an April 1999 interview, Limeback, once a vocal advocate of the drug, stated, “Children under three should never use fluoridated toothpaste or drink fluoridated water. And baby formula must never be made up using Toronto tap water. Never.”

Seven years later, in 2006, the ADA, followed by the CDC, issued advisories calling on mothers to stop using tap water to mix baby formula. The ADA has also recently acknowledged that fluoride has no value when used systemically, that its only effectiveness comes from topical applications. Nevertheless, the federal health bureaucracy calls fluoride a major advancement, apparently in denial about the schizophrenic nature of its policies.

Adding further momentum to calls to end fluoridation, a study released last year by the National Academies' National Research Council (NRC), sponsored by the US Environmental Protection Agency, found that the current maximum levels of fluoride allowed by the EPA in drinking water should be lowered due to concerns over adverse health effects. The current maximum contaminant level of fluoride is 4 mg/L. The NRC found that these levels are too high and "not protective" of the population.

Numerous studies reviewed by the NRC report that fluoride is linked to subclinical or malfunctioning thyroid glands. This is "associated with increased cholesterol concentrations, increased incidence of depression, diminished response to standard psychiatric treatment, cognitive dysfunction, and in pregnant women, decreased IQ of their offspring."

The NRC study says that sources for internal fluoride exposure include inhalation and dermal absorption. This means that when you bathe or shower fluoride is entering your body via breathing and contact. The NRC panel then examined numerous reports showing an association between fluoride ingestion and a range of physical complaints that included thyroid disorder, brittle bones, kidney failure, arthritis, and cancer.

Some of the most telling science of fluoride’s effects comes from the work of Roger Masters, an emeritus researcher at Dartmouth College. Masters directed research that found an insidious connection between fluoride and lead. The study compared children’s blood in communities using fluoride-treated water with communities using nonfluoridated water. Drawing from samples of more than 400,000 children, increased blood lead levels were always associated with fluoride-treated water. According to Masters, fluoride leaches lead from the water system’s pipes and fixtures.

In light of this work and other new data, the justification for using fluoride in water systems evaporates. No one can rationally contend that its benefit exceeds its cost. Who disputes the fact that chronic lead poisoning lowers IQ and promotes criminal behavior? Yet in the presence of fluoridated water, small amounts of lead are are disabling generations of Americans.

The evidence continues to mount against fluoride. This month Scientific American magazine carries a major article that assembles much of the data in one place. “Scientific attitudes toward fluoridation may be starting to shift,” writes author Dan Fagin.

Fagin, the Director of New York University’s Science, Health and Environmental Reporting Program, says, “There is no universally accepted optimal level for daily intake of fluoride.” Fagin reports that some researchers wonder whether the 1 mg/L (250 times more fluoride than breast milk) added to drinking water is too much.

Fagin’s Scientific American article highlights total consumption because fluoride is also found in foods, beverages, medicines, and dental products. With fluoride coming from a variety of sources, experts fear we are overdosing ourselves. Fluoride overconsumption is visible first in children as dental fluorosis—white-spotted, yellow, brown and/or pitted teeth. This is a sign of too much fluoride. Depending on location, estimates of childhood fluorosis in the US range between 30 to 80 percent.

Before class-action lawsuits are filed, before the weight of science crushes the bureaucracy, let’s take heed of the accumulated facts and make the necessary adjustments. Even if it’s sixty years late, the precautionary principle remains a valid guide. Further damage will end with a moratorium on fluoride.

Douglas Yates is a writer and photographer with a keen interest in water. He lives in Ester.

More on fluoride:

www.fluoridealert.org

“Second Thoughts about Fluoride,” by Dan Fagin. Scientific American, January 2008

“Water Fluoridation: A Review of Recent Research and Actions,” by Joel M. Kauffman, PhD. Journal of Am. Physicians and Surgeons, Summer 2005 (10:2:38). Available on line as a pdf at www.jpands.org/vol10no2/kauffman.pdf

“Fluoride water ‘causes cancer’,” by Bob Woffinden. The Observer, Sunday, June 12, 2005. Available on line at http://observer.guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,6903,1504672,00.html

“Juneau, stop adding fluoride to water,” guest opinion by David Ottoson, Juneau businessman. Juneau Empire, September 11, 2006. Available on line at www.juneauempire.com/stories/091106/opi_20060911097.shtml

City and Borough of Juneau public analysis of fluoride, available on line at www.juneau.org/clerk/boards/Fluoride/Fluoride_Study_Commission.php



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How USA Can Better Participate With All The World For A Better World For Everyone - People And Nature

a new model of America
that inspires and mobilizes
cooperation

seven key principles -- liberty, democracy, equality, justice, tolerance, humility, and faith

humility
acknowledging ... real errors
own up
... take responsibility for our actions and acknowledge our errors, and acknowledge that in many cases we actually should have been listening

close Guantanamo
withdraw our troops from Iraq
a serious global effort to combat climate change

cutting our nuclear weapons ... to zero

genuinely consult and genuinely listen
constrain ourselves by creating and participating in institutions such as the United Nations

reassuring
not dominate
genuinely take their views seriously
accept...
constraints

consulting ... widely

not presume we are better than other people
real safeguards against the worst abuses.

better represent ... the peoples of the world
+++


How America Can Be a Superpower the World Respects

By Jason Marsh, Greater Good. Posted February 13, 2008.

http://www.alternet.org/audits/76252/?page=entire


Seven principles that could offer a new model of American power -- one that inspires and mobilizes other nations to work with us.

An interview with foreign policy expert Anne-Marie Slaughter by Jason Marsh.

"World's only superpower" -- that's the title bestowed on the United States for the last two decades. It has a nice ring to it, but what does it mean today?

"Measured by economic statistics and military might, our power is greater than ever," writes foreign policy expert Anne-Marie Slaughter in her recent book, The Idea That Is America. "But measured by the commonsense measure of whether we can get others to do what we want them to do, we have clearly lost ground since the Cold War."

For years, foreign policy experts like Slaughter, dean of Princeton University's eminent Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, have warned that our unrivaled wealth and military power are not enough to tackle the kinds of problems we face today, from terrorism to climate change to the widening gaps between rich and poor around the world.

"These are issues that require the cooperation of, if not all 191 nations, then a good many of them," Slaughter said. "And for that, you have to be able to mobilize people; you have to be able to inspire them. That means we have to have a set of ideas that will be deeply attractive to other countries and will convince other countries that we are actually pulling together to fight a common threat."

In The Idea That Is America, Slaughter identifies seven key principles -- liberty, democracy, equality, justice, tolerance, humility, and faith -- that she sees as central to America's identity. She describes how a U.S. foreign policy grounded in these principles could offer a new model of American power, one that inspires and mobilizes other nations to work with us.

The Idea That Is America has been endorsed by distinguished figures ranging from former Reagan secretary of state George Shultz to former Clinton secretary of state Madeline Albright (who called the book "brilliant ... deeply moving, exquisitely timed, authored by one of our country's leading scholars"). Slaughter herself has been mentioned as a possible secretary of state should the Democrats win the White House.

Slaughter recently spoke with me during a brief trip back to the U.S. from China, where she's on sabbatical for the year.

Jason Marsh: If you were advising the next American president, how would you recommend he or she act to restore America's moral and political standing in the world?

Anne-Marie Slaughter: I would start with humility. In my view, we need to start by acknowledging that we have made some real errors -- that we were badly frightened after 9/11, and we overreacted in many ways. We're not alone as a nation in doing that; many nations respond that way. But we have to own up to that. We have to take responsibility for our actions and acknowledge our errors, and acknowledge that in many cases we actually should have been listening to other countries. That kind of humility is needed to give us enough room to start to do some very positive things.

There are four concrete things we need to do right away. The first is to close Guantanamo and declare that we will not engage in torture or cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment. We must go back to the standards that we have always set and we continue to set for our military. We must embrace them across the board.

Second, we must withdraw our troops from Iraq in a way that leaves Iraq as stable as possible, while building regional institutions at the same time. It cannot be just a unilateral withdrawal. Rather it must be a declared policy of, "We are now withdrawing our troops and working to make that a safe and stable withdrawal," rather than figuring out how to stay in.

Third, we need to work on leading a serious global effort to combat climate change. Our current nonchalant posture is probably the most important global symbol of how the United States effectively doesn't care that the decisions we make affect others. You can't be a leader if you're that irresponsible. We're going to have to ask other countries to make sacrifices, too, so we're going to have to start. And the fourth is to be really serious about nuclear nonproliferation, which means living up to our part of the bargain. It means cutting our nuclear weapons. In my view it means declaring that our ultimate aim is to go to zero, although it could take decades to get there.

JM: You talk about humility, but "humble superpower" seems like a contradiction in terms. I wonder if you could elaborate on how a humble foreign policy would differ from the Bush administration's? For instance, when would a humble superpower use force?

AMS: Well, first, you have to define humility. Humility doesn't mean you shouldn't be strong; it doesn't mean you shouldn't be bold; it doesn't mean you shouldn't be proud. The opposite of humility is hubris.

So the biggest changes would be, in making decisions, to genuinely consult and genuinely listen. Not just jump through diplomatic hoops, but genuinely listen to people who understand a particular region. We really need to be consulting with those powers and allowing them to lead in some cases, supporting them, and not always insisting that it's going to be done our way.

If you've got evidence that you are about to be attacked, you can act. That's consistent with the right of self-defense under the U.N. charter, under international law. The issue is: Can you act when a threat is not imminent, but you think it's building? And there, I think, humility says there are far too many questions to act unilaterally. That's exactly, in my view, where you want to have the value of multilateral deliberation, where you want a number of different opinions.

And in my view, that means you would either get UN authorization or you'd at least get authorization from a representative regional body. And if you can't convince another 10 to 15 nations who would be equally threatened that this threat is imminent and that force is really essential, then I don't think you should act. But it's not because of some abstract devotion to multilateral process. It's because multilateral process is a safeguard that you use precisely when you know that you may see something exactly black, but somebody else may see it exactly white, and you better hear that view.

JM: It's interesting to hear you describe power in these terms because it resonates with research covered by my co-editor Dacher Keltner in this issue of Greater Good. That research shows when people practice social intelligence, when they're sensitive to the needs of others and able to empathize with them, they are entrusted with more power and are actually able to wield that power over a longer term, and more successfully, than when they just try to lead by force and coercion.

AMS: Very interesting. That is consistent with the view of John Ikenberry, who is my co-author on the Princeton Project on National Security, that the secret of our success after WWII was that we were willing to constrain ourselves by creating and participating in institutions such as the United Nations. By doing so, we were not only strengthening ourselves by creating alliances against our adversaries. We were reassuring our allies that we would not dominate them -- that we would genuinely take their views seriously and that we would accept these constraints in return for their participating in these institutions with us. And the whole point there is that constraint is a source of power.

JM: What you're articulating seems to be social intelligence on a global scale. On the other hand, there's another body of research showing that once people have power, despite what research shows is the best way to wield it, people are often corrupted by it and abuse power in pursuit of their own self-interest. And I can't help but wonder whether that might also be the case in the international arena. In other words, perhaps the U.S. should use its power in this socially intelligent, humble way. But do we have any reason to believe that it actually can? Is there any historical precedent for this kind of political humility?

AMS: Well, it's a great question, and I think you can answer it on multiple levels. One, there's the basic learning curve on the personal level. In my own experience as dean, and I think many leaders will say this, when you first become a leader, there's this overwhelming sense that you have to prove your strength and your resolution. And what you're going to do is just declare something and impose it. And you're going to act quickly and resolutely and firmly. And virtually all effective leaders then realize, "No, actually moving more slowly and consulting more widely is far more likely to help you reach your objective." It will be slower, it may be moderated in different ways -- you're not going to get it exactly as you wanted -- but it will be legitimate, and it will last.

So if you think about that globally, part of the answer is that there's a learning curve, right? The United States came out of the Cold War, and in 1995, after 40 years as one of two superpowers, we were only one superpower. And it's not surprising that it went to our head in various ways. And then we were also, as I said, badly frightened after 9/11. That combination means it's not at all surprising that at some point we said, "We have all this power and we're going to use it for what we think is good." But the lessons of how disastrous that's been, I think, are quite plain to see.

The other thing I would say is this is the first time ever that you have had a democracy in this role. I write in my book that our democracy does not presume we are better than other people. On the contrary, it presumes that we are totally human, and like all humans, we are corruptible and we are weak. Unlike the British Empire or the Roman Empire or any other country that was once in this position, we are a country where when things go disastrously wrong, we have a system to kick that government out. That doesn't mean we're going to be great, just that we have real safeguards against the worst abuses.

And I think we will look back and see we've handled this period of being an unquestionable hyperpower quite badly, but that we then recovered and, first, recognized that the period of being a hyperpower was clearly limited. Because if you look 20 years down the road, you can see other powers-China, but also the EU-rising. You can see that the centers of power in the world are reconfiguring. Second, we'll see that the kinds of problems we faced were not susceptible to the unilateral use of our power, even for the period that we had it.

This has been a grievous learning curve. But I remain optimistic that we actually can come back.

JM: Looking ahead to the next administration and beyond, why are you optimistic that we can and will get back on this right path?

AMS: I am optimistic, although I'm not Pollyannaish. In other words, I really do think this is going to be a four-to-five year effort, because we really have eroded so much of what I think does make us strong.

But with the right administration, and the willingness to put in the work, not to have a quick fix, to accept constraints, and to really have a serious global agenda, not just a national agenda-I am convinced that we can do it, for a couple of reasons. The biggest one is the Churchillian argument about democracy: that we're the worst possible leader, but we're better than all the others. I don't see any other nations that can do this, and I think many nations in the world want leadership. I'm living in China this year, and the Chinese basically say, "We need you to be leading," at least for the next 20 years. After that, we'll see. So I think that's very important.

I'm also optimistic because the United States better represents the peoples of the world than any other nation. If we look at our own changing demographic face, I see a population that will be deeply connected to other countries in the world by blood and by continued travel. And I'm optimistic because I believe, in the end, that there are enough Americans who are plenty self-interested, but who also can't bear to see us so betray the things we say we stand for.

Reprinted from Greater Good magazine, Volume IV, Issue 3 (Winter 2007-08). For more information, please visit www.greatergoodmag.org.

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Jason Marsh is a co-editor of Greater Good Magazine.



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Tuesday, February 12, 2008

Creating Social Objective Business - Dedicated to Others, Not Oneself

The creation of opportunities for the majority of the people—the poor—is at the heart of the work that we have dedicated ourselves during the past thirty years.

And the concept of business
to make money. Profit maximization is the sole mission of business.

this is a misinterpretation of a human being. Human being is not a machine. Human being is not a robot. It’s not a money-making machine. A human being is much bigger than making money. Money-making is an important part of a human being, but certainly it’s not the totality of human being. Human being is much bigger than that. It’s also caring being. It’s a sharing being, wants to make a difference in the world. That part is not included in the business world, in the economic world.

there should be at least one more type of business in order to justify the totality of human being. This is a business dedicated to others, not to yourself. The current business is all dedicated to “myself,” everything. I am the center of my business. I gain. So I’m reversing that, creating another business calling, social business, that’s dedicated to others completely and nothing for me. So it’s kind of coming together. We can create those kind of businesses, where it’s a non-loss, non-dividend company with a social objective.

We created several companies, one of them that you mentioned, Grameen Dannon Company.
This is designed as a social business. The company produces yogurt, but for a specific purpose, to bring nutrition to the malnourished children of Bangladesh. All the micronutrients which are missing in those millions of children in Bangladesh are put into this yogurt, the vitamin, iron, zinc, whatever is missing, into the yogurt—and it’s a fortified yogurt—and make it very cheap so that the poorest children can afford it. And once they eat this as a snack, because it’s a delicious snack that they eat—they love it—so, gradually they will regain their health. The company promised that they will not take any dividend. Grameen will not take any dividend out of it, and Dannon will not take any dividend out of it. Entire thing is dedicated to the social objective. So this becomes an example of social business.

One, we created, Grameen America, it’s a social business, because we want to bring the financial services to people who go to the check-cashing companies. Millions of people in this country cannot open a bank account, because banks will not consider them worthwhile to open a bank account for them. They are too small for them, so they cannot open a bank account. When they receive a check from their employer or from the government, they have to go to the check-cashing companies and pay very dearly to get their check cashed. Their thousand-dollar check should have generated $1,000. That doesn’t do it now, because they cannot have a bank account. So we want to open that.

And there are many, many payday loans. You see the advertisements and the commercials in the newspapers and televisions. Payday loans don’t have to be. And you pay high interest rate on payday loans. This is another way of ripping you off, so—because financial institutions, formal financial institutions don’t come into it. There are lots of pawnshops around. So we said we’re going to address that by designing a financial system and social businesses, and address that. So we created this Grameen America and started in Queens, in Jackson Heights in New York.

Once we developed a prototype, we can take it everywhere. That’s what we’re looking for. And there are many more social business funds. We are creating a social business fund. Those who would like to invest in social businesses in the United States, elsewhere, in terms of health insurance, in terms of microcredit, in terms of financial services, in terms of housing, this is the fund, will be available, whoever can come up with the brilliant idea, because it’s a question of designing an innovative idea in a social business, to address all the problems we see around us.

’Til now, over $530 billion has been spent on the war in Iraq by the USA alone. I believe terrorism cannot be won by the military action.
 I believe that putting resources into improving the lives of the poor is a better strategy than spending it on guns.

Now we can put our resources, our attention, our policies to solve the problems of poverty, diseases and all those things. And we adopted in the Millennium Summit in New York City the Millennium Development Goals, beautiful goals. For the first time in human history, all the nations of the world got together and decided that we want to reduce poverty by half by 2015, in fifteen years’ time. It’s a tremendous amount of exciting decision. And that was a starting point.

creating a new millennium, creating a new society, changing the world with the technology coming in, with all kinds of brilliant things on the table.

Billions of dollars went into a war, which we have not achieved anything. Terrorism didn’t disappear.

we have to address the basic issues of terrorism.

So instead of trying to conquer it by guns, why don’t we go as a human problem, solve it in a human way, address those issues and solve them one by one, piece by piece? It could be done. With all the good will in the world, we could do that.

people are kind of looking at United States in a very suspicious way. Is it good for us, or they are leading us to more difficult things? So that’s how I think the Bush administration will be remembered, that it has created a lot of question marks in people’s minds around the world about the leadership of the United States.

new book.
Creating a World Without Poverty: Social Business and the Future of Capitalism
.
+++



Yunusweb

Nobel Laureate and “Banker to the Poor” Muhammad Yunus on Micro-Lending, Its Critics and the Bush Administration’s Negative Impact on Global Poverty

February 12, 2008

http://www.democracynow.org/2008/2/12/nobel_laureate_and_banker_to


Muhammad Yunus won the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for pioneering a microcredit program that helps hundreds of thousands of impoverished Bangladeshis—mostly women—by providing small unsecured loans, which are then repaid. He is author of the new book Creating a World Without Poverty: Social Business and the Future of Capitalism. [includes rush transcript]

Guest:

Muhammad Yunus, founder and managing director of Grameen Bank and the winner of the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize. He is author of the bestseller, Banker to the Poor. His latest book is Creating a World Without Poverty: Social Business and the Future of Capitalism.

AMY GOODMAN: “Banker to the poor,” Muhammad Yunus is the Bangladeshi economist who was awarded the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize. Yunus shared the Nobel with the Grameen Bank, which he founded three decades ago. The microcredit program he pioneered has helped hundreds of thousands of impoverished Bangladeshis, mainly women, by providing small unsecured loans, which are then repaid. Yunus accepted the Nobel award in Oslo a little over a year ago.

    MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Poverty is the absence of all human rights. The frustrations, hostility and anger generated by abject poverty cannot sustain peace in any society. For building stable peace, we must find ways to provide opportunities for people to live decent lives. The creation of opportunities for the majority of the people—the poor—is at the heart of the work that we have dedicated ourselves during the past thirty years.

AMY GOODMAN: Muhammad Yunus is the first Nobel Peace Prize winner from Bangladesh. He has just come out with a new book called Creating a World Without Poverty: Social Business and the Future of Capitalism. Muhammad Yunus joins us for the rest of the hour in our firehouse studio.

Welcome to Democracy Now!

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Thank you.

AMY GOODMAN: Before we talk about microloans, I wanted to deal with this terrible issue that has just arisen in East Timor. A fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Jose Ramos-Horta, now in the hospital in Australia, he has survived an assassination attempt, two bullets to his chest and his stomach, though he’s in very serious condition. You know Jose Ramos-Horta.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: I know him very well. He’s a very good friend. I have known him long before he received the Nobel Peace Prize. He was a very enthusiastic supporter of microcredit. He has been pleading with me to come to East Timor to start a program, and I did when he was the prime minister. And then, this is still running. I was shocked to hear this news, and I sent him a message, and we are all praying for his life so that he comes back to full health.

AMY GOODMAN: For those of you who may have missed it, the president of East Timor, Jose Ramos-Horta, as well as the prime minister, both, there were assassination attempts on their life. Xanana Gusmao was not hit. Jose Ramos-Horta was.

Well, Muhammad Yunus, explain microcredit. Explain the whole idea behind the Grameen Bank.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: The idea is, an overflowing majority of the people in the world don’t have access to financial services from the conventional financial institutions, the banks, so they’re left to the loan sharks, moneylenders. So we know about moneylenders, loan sharks, all the time. We read about them, we hear about them, but don’t do anything about them. So it continues, it flourishes.

So in one of my experiences in Bangladesh, I saw an extreme situation in a village, where money lending was still going on and people are becoming victims, so I wanted to address that issue in that village level. So I made a list of people who were borrowing from loan sharks. When my list was complete, there were forty-two names on my list, and the total money they borrowed was $27. This is back in 1970s, early ’70s. And I was shocked that for such a small amount of money, people have to go through such a horrible experience. So I thought I can solve the problem. It’s very easy. If I give this $27, they can return the money to the loan sharks, and they’ll be free. And that’s what exactly I did. And it created such a sensation among them.

I thought if you can make so many people so happy, such a small amount of money, why shouldn’t you do more of it. So I wanted to do more of it by linking them with the bank. Bank said, no, bank cannot lend money to the poor people. So I’m with this issue: why can’t the bank lend money to the poor people? So for months I was struggle. Finally, I persuaded them by offering myself as a guarantor. I said, “I’ll sign all your papers. I’ll take the risk. And you give the money.” That was the beginning in 1976. And it worked.

So gradually expanded the program, but banks were not very enthusiastic about it. So I thought, why don’t I create a separate bank for them? So I created a separate bank, Grameen Bank, or Village Bank, and then expanded and expanded. It doesn’t need any collateral, first thing, no guarantee, no lawyers, no legal papers between the lender and the borrower. It’s a trust-based banking. People, particularly women, take small loans, who never did before had any experience of handling money. But for the first time, she takes a little amount of money that she has a—she can organize her courage to do that, and then go into earning money by investing this money, raising chicken, doing some handicrafts and so on, and pay back the bank in weekly installments. That’s what the microcredit is all about.

AMY GOODMAN: Why women?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: I was complaining against the conventional banks. I said, “Why men?” 100 percent, nearly 100 percent of the borrowers of conventional banks in Bangladesh are men. So I raised the issue. They are not only wrong by rejecting poor people; they are also wrong by rejecting women of all class. So when I began, I wanted to make sure half the borrowers in my program are women. So this is how I started.

And it took a long time, because women themselves said, “No, don’t give the money to me. I don’t know anything about money. Give it to my husband.” I said, “No, that’s not what we want. We want you to look at that.” And we worked very hard to break the fear, because it’s a fear that she was supposed to—I mean, she was hiding behind, because she didn’t want to touch money, this is trouble. So, gradually we peel off the fear and build a confidence in her to try out with small money, $20, $30 of loans. And it worked. She got very excited. She wanted more and continued in it.

Once we achieved that goal of fifty-fifty, then we saw money going to the family through women brought so much more benefit to the family compared to the benefit when you lend the money through men. Women took good care of the money. Women transferred the benefit to the children immediately, improved the household and going towards a better life for themselves in a long-term vision. Men were mostly to enjoy right now, not in a long-term way, in a kind of a readymade way, so that sort of thing. So we changed our policy: we started focusing on women. Today, we have seven-and-a-half million borrowers in Grameen Bank in Bangladesh. 97 percent are women.

AMY GOODMAN: And who runs the bank? The bank is a for-profit?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Bank is a for-profit. It’s owned by the borrowers, so the profit goes back to the borrowers again, so that way it’s a full circle. It’s a corporate body. It has a management team, and I head the management team. There’s 27,000-plus employees, the staff of the bank, which go around around the country to serve these seven-and-a-half million borrowers and meet them physically within a week, because we do the business at the doorstep of the borrowers, so they don’t have to come to our office. Office, for us, to keep the records, not for our business. So we do the business at the doorsteps, so women feel very comfortable. She doesn’t have to go any place. She do the business at her place, and so on.

AMY GOODMAN: You have an interesting comparison in your book, Creating a World Without Poverty, to get a sense of the population density of Bangladesh. You squeeze all the people of the United States into Wisconsin, and it’s still not as dense as Bangladesh.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: That’s fact, yes. It’s amazing how density of population can happen in Bangladesh. Another way I explain, if you take the whole world population, bring it to the United States, the density that you will create by putting six billion people in the United States, today density in Bangladesh is slightly higher than that. So you can imagine how much the density is.

AMY GOODMAN: And yet, since the Grameen Bank has been established, has the level of poverty changed in Bangladesh?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: It has. It has. Poverty has been declining in Bangladesh very steadily. During the ’90s, poverty has declined on an average of one percent per year.

AMY GOODMAN: About half the people are poor?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Used to be more than that, 80 percent poor, and gradually it’s declining. We are one of those countries, I would say lucky countries in the world, which will be meeting the Millennium Development Goal number one, to reduce poverty by half by 2015. So between 2000 and 2015, the poverty level in Bangladesh will be reduced to half. And if we can continue with our progress, most likely that we’ll achieve that goal before 2015. So that’s a tremendous kind of excitement for us.

AMY GOODMAN: Muhammad Yunus, what was the effect of winning the Nobel Peace Prize, you and the Grameen Bank, on the work that you do?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: It’s a wonderful thing. Of all the prizes in the world, Nobel Prize is unique in its position, the tremendous amount of excitement it generates in the whole world about the prize. The moment the prize is announced, every single newspaper in the world makes it a front-page news. Every television station, it’s a main news item. And people get interested to know what you do, how you got it, what is it that you have done over years. So it creates a lot of attention and awareness.

We have been trying to explain why microcredit is so important for poor people to change their life, improve their income, but not too many people paid any attention to it. The moment the Nobel Peace Prize was announced, everybody wants to hear you, what you did, how you did it. And everybody asks, how can we do more? Can we do something about it? So all the doors which you tried to knock and never opened suddenly open, and people are willing to talk and go from there. So I’m taking, too, advantage of that, and now that I have the opportunity to discuss and explain this so important piece in reduction of poverty, so I’m doing that, and I’m getting good response from people.

AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to Muhammad Yunus. He’s the Nobel Peace Prize winner, founder and managing director of the Grameen Bank. This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, the War and Peace Report. We’ll be back with him in a minute.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: Nrityanchal is a Bangladeshi dance troupe that performed in Oslo when our guest, Muhammad Yunus, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006. His latest book is called Creating a World Without Poverty. He is the managing director of the Grameen Bank, which gives microloans to women in Bangladesh. He established it more than thirty years ago.

Well, while everyone praises the cause of helping poor women in Bangladesh, some critics say microcredit is being misconstrued as a way of ending poverty. After you received the Nobel Peace Prize last year, we spoke with Vandana Shiva, the world-renowned environmental leader, physicist, ecologist. I wanted to play just an excerpt of what she had to say and then get your response. This is Vandana Shiva.

    VANDANA SHIVA: I’m very happy that the Grameen Bank and Yunus got the Nobel Peace Prize. I would only say, let us not think this is a solution to every situation that creates poverty. It’s a solution in a particular context. But it cannot be the solution when land is being grabbed from the peasants and leaving them in poverty. For example, in this whole land grab under the special economic zones that’s taking place in India right now—and foreign direct investment in real estate is part of the driving force for this—that cannot be solved by microcredit. It needs a solution in terms of respecting the land rights of the peasants and not treating land of the poor as something that can be grabbed by the rich.

    The recent report of Helsinki actually gives worse figures than Muhammad Yunus gave: one percent of the world’s wealthy are owning 80 percent of the world’s wealth. And I would say, they are then turning that wealth into owning 80 percent of the world’s resources, real material natural resources, the land, the water, the biodiversity, the forests, the minerals.

    I think there’s a second context in which microcredit could actually create a problem, and it’s the kind of context in which we have been forced to work. As credit for unaffordable seeds moves nonrenewable seeds, genetically engineered seeds, hybrid seeds into rural areas in India, we are seeing a new kind of debt trap created.

    Farmer suicides, of which there have been 150,000 in the last decade of market opening made possible because of credit, micro and macro. 150,000 is a large number of peasants being wiped out. I have called this a genocide. And it’s being made possible by putting money available, credit available, so that they could get seeds of Monsanto. In fact, it’s a debate, old debate, I’ve had with Yunus, because there was a time he was going to use microcredit to move GM seeds and Monsanto seeds to the Bangladeshi women. And we had to have a debate, and thank goodness he backed out of that agreement. […]

    Credit, loans, money circulation cannot solve the problems of alienation of participating in earth democracy. Privatization of water leading to a high cost of water could be financed by flows of credit, but the solution to access to water is rights to water. Rights cannot be substituted by credit. Rights need to be recognized as rights and collective rights to the common wealth of this planet—the atmosphere, the water, the seeds, the biodiversity. That needs a rights solution. Credit can come after that rights solution has been offered.

AMY GOODMAN: That is Vandana Shiva. Muhammad Yunus, your response?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Well, there are several things, and that one is—it’s a misinterpretation of microcredit. We are not saying that this is the solution for all poverty. We are saying this is an important item in solving poverty. Poverty is multidimensional thing; it’s not a single thing. So microcredit is a fundamental issue in bringing financial services to the poor people. What about the education? What about the health? What about the political rights? What about the human rights, and so on? So all these things have to be brought in. We deal with only one aspect: microcredit. And we are saying microcredit should be accepted as a human right. It’s so fundamental, so basic thing to it.

About GMO, about the—we never did that. This is—

AMY GOODMAN: The genetically modified seeds.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Genetically modified seed. This was also a misinterpretation. We were accused that we are giving microcredit to buy the genetically modified seeds. Garmeen Bank works with women, with the landless families, extremely poor. They are not farmers. We deal only with women, 97 percent women, only with landless people, extremely poor people. They are not anywhere near farm owners, the farming. They don’t buy seeds in the market. So we have no reason why we should give microcredit to them to buy the seeds, when they don’t have own land at all. So this is an extension to accuse Grameen Bank that they are doing the wrong thing.

AMY GOODMAN: But the idea that others would embrace it as a way to say this is bringing justice to very poor people, when she says it’s about access to water, not credit, that counts.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: I was saying that everything is important. Access to credit is important. Access to water is important. Access to health is important. Access to education is important. Nothing is unimportant. I’m saying we do everything we can. Don’t ignore the others. Just because you do one thing, it’s not because the others are not important. Everything is important. So let’s do it all together. That’s what my new book, Creating a World Free from Poverty, is talking about. It’s creating a different kind of system.

Poverty is not a created by the poor people. Poverty is created by the system. The system includes everything, the institution, the concept, the policies and everything. So we are saying we have to address those things. We are—in our work, in Grameen Bank, we are addressing the financial system. But there are many other systems which needs to be addressed.

AMY GOODMAN: Explain your idea of social business.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Yes, and I am saying that the conceptual framework of capitalism itself is at fault. That’s what created all the problems. So we have to address that also. And the concept of business, for example, only way the concept of business is defined in a capitalist theory is a business to make money. Profit maximization is the sole mission of business.

And I’m saying this is a misinterpretation of a human being. Human being is not a machine. Human being is not a robot. It’s not a money-making machine. A human being is much bigger than making money. Money-making is an important part of a human being, but certainly it’s not the totality of human being. Human being is much bigger than that. It’s also caring being. It’s a sharing being, wants to make a difference in the world. That part is not included in the business world, in the economic world.

AMY GOODMAN: Explain the example you begin Creating a World Without Poverty with, and that is the Grameen-Dannon relationship.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Sure.

AMY GOODMAN: That’s Dannon yogurt.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: That’s right. So I’m saying there should be at least one more type of business in order to justify the totality of human being. This is a business dedicated to others, not to yourself. The current business is all dedicated to “myself,” everything. I am the center of my business. I gain. So I’m reversing that, creating another business calling, social business, that’s dedicated to others completely and nothing for me. So it’s kind of coming together. We can create those kind of businesses, where it’s a non-loss, non-dividend company with a social objective.

We created several companies, one of them that you mentioned, Grameen Dannon Company. Dannon is a big yogurt company and big water company and so on. But we created a small company in Bangladesh in collaboration with Grameen. This is designed as a social business. The company produces yogurt, but for a specific purpose, to bring nutrition to the malnourished children of Bangladesh. All the micronutrients which are missing in those millions of children in Bangladesh are put into this yogurt, the vitamin, iron, zinc, whatever is missing, into the yogurt—and it’s a fortified yogurt—and make it very cheap so that the poorest children can afford it. And once they eat this as a snack, because it’s a delicious snack that they eat—they love it—so, gradually they will regain their health. The company promised that they will not take any dividend. Grameen will not take any dividend out of it, and Dannon will not take any dividend out of it. Entire thing is dedicated to the social objective. So this becomes an example of social business.

We can create healthcare programs. For example, in the United States, 47 million people don’t have health insurance. We can create a social business to bring social—health insurance to those people, because money profit-maximizing companies don’t want to get there, because they have better alternative to make money, rather than giving health insurance to the people who cannot afford it. So we said this is a case for a social business.

Many people don’t receive healthcare programs in many, many countries around the world. We can create social businesses. There are many diseases in the world, very tough diseases like cholera, typhoid, where the vaccines are available in designs. The whole invention has been made. But it’s not produced because it doesn’t make money. So with a social business, we can create the cholera vaccines, we can create the typhoid vaccine. There are six such what they call orphan diseases, where the vaccines are available in designs, but nobody produces it, because it doesn’t serve the poor people—I mean, it doesn’t serve the interest of the businesses.

AMY GOODMAN: And those diseases are?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: I cannot give you the whole list. I can mention two: one is typhoid, another is cholera.

AMY GOODMAN: In this country, are there social businesses that you’ve been involved with?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Not yet. Just beginning. One, we created, Grameen America, it’s a social business, because we want to bring the financial services to people who go to the check-cashing companies. Millions of people in this country cannot open a bank account, because banks will not consider them worthwhile to open a bank account for them. They are too small for them, so they cannot open a bank account. When they receive a check from their employer or from the government, they have to go to the check-cashing companies and pay very dearly to get their check cashed. Their thousand-dollar check should have generated $1,000. That doesn’t do it now, because they cannot have a bank account. So we want to open that.

And there are many, many payday loans. You see the advertisements and the commercials in the newspapers and televisions. Payday loans don’t have to be. And you pay high interest rate on payday loans. This is another way of ripping you off, so—because financial institutions, formal financial institutions don’t come into it. There are lots of pawnshops around. So we said we’re going to address that by designing a financial system and social businesses, and address that. So we created this Grameen America and started in Queens, in Jackson Heights in New York.

Once we developed a prototype, we can take it everywhere. That’s what we’re looking for. And there are many more social business funds. We are creating a social business fund. Those who would like to invest in social businesses in the United States, elsewhere, in terms of health insurance, in terms of microcredit, in terms of financial services, in terms of housing, this is the fund, will be available, whoever can come up with the brilliant idea, because it’s a question of designing an innovative idea in a social business, to address all the problems we see around us.

AMY GOODMAN: Muhammad Yunus, I wanted to switch gears a bit. In your acceptance speech for the Nobel in Oslo in 2006, you said poverty is a threat to peace. You also criticized the Bush administration’s so-called war on terror.

    MUHAMMAD YUNUS: ’Til now, over $530 billion has been spent on the war in Iraq by the USA alone. I believe terrorism cannot be won by the military action. Terrorism must be condemned in the strongest possible language. We must stand solidly against it and find all the means to end it. We must address the root cause of terrorism to end terrorism for all time to come. I believe that putting resources into improving the lives of the poor is a better strategy than spending it on guns.

AMY GOODMAN: Muhammad Yunus in Oslo, receiving the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize. The effect of the war in Iraq?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Yeah, it’s—my first comment would be, we started this millennium, 2000, with a tremendous amount of euphoria, tremendous amount of excitement. Cold War is out, and things are taking to shape. Now we can put our resources, our attention, our policies to solve the problems of poverty, diseases and all those things. And we adopted in the Millennium Summit in New York City the Millennium Development Goals, beautiful goals. For the first time in human history, all the nations of the world got together and decided that we want to reduce poverty by half by 2015, in fifteen years’ time. It’s a tremendous amount of exciting decision. And that was a starting point.

And a few years later, couple of years later, we start with war, war on terror, and all our resources, all our attention, all our discussions are concentrating on terrorism. Forget about what it’s all about. So we derailed ourselves completely about creating a new millennium, creating a new society, changing the world with the technology coming in, with all kinds of brilliant things on the table. We could have done that, but we completely removed ourselves. Billions of dollars went into a war, which we have not achieved anything. Terrorism didn’t disappear.

I said terrorism—we have to address the basic issues of terrorism. If there’s a frustrations among people for something—either it’s an economic frustrations or it’s a political frustrations or some sense of deprivation that we are not being listened to, terrorism—it will be good breeding ground for terrorism. So why don’t we address those issues, political issues, economic issues, rather than bring the gun? Gun cannot stop terrorism. It only put the terrorism underground for awhile. It will come back in a more frightening way. So instead of trying to conquer it by guns, why don’t we go as a human problem, solve it in a human way, address those issues and solve them one by one, piece by piece? It could be done. With all the good will in the world, we could do that. So this is what I would say the most damaging thing that we have done so far.

AMY GOODMAN: What is your assessment of President Bush’s effect on the world?

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Well, he has created a very negative image of the United States. People have not much respect in the rest of the world about the leadership, because you—like it or not, United States is the leader of the whole world, because of your technology, because of your financial power, your leadership and innovations and so on. And people look forward to you to lead them, lead the whole world.

Now, people don’t look forward to look at you, because you led them into wrong things. So people are kind of looking at United States in a very suspicious way. Is it good for us, or they are leading us to more difficult things? So that’s how I think the Bush administration will be remembered, that it has created a lot of question marks in people’s minds around the world about the leadership of the United States.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to have to end on that question mark. I thank you very much for being with us, Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize laureate. He has written a new book. His first was Banker to the Poor: Micro-Lending and the Battle Against World Poverty. His new book is called Creating a World Without Poverty: Social Business and the Future of Capitalism. Muhammad Yunus, thanks so much.

MUHAMMAD YUNUS: Thank you.



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SPP - USA Stealth Privatization Of North America, Then Central America, ...

interdependent countries with vibrant social movements, respect for labor rights, and environmentally sustainable economies anchored in provision of social needs and respect for cultural autonomy?

Or
dominated by the United States, complete with pumped up oil and gas production, increasing militarization, corporate transnational planning groups, and guest worker programs to ensure cheap, vulnerable labor?

SPP
a stealth plan
bypassing
international solidarity
halted the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas and the Multilateral Agreement on Investment.

reshape the North American political economy by direct use of executive authority.
an explicit role for government in addressing inequality within and between countries,
SPP's foundation is an unequal alliance where the United States retains the political and economic trump cards.


SPP's primary goals are to link economic integration of the three countries to U.S. security needs; deepen U.S. access to oil, gas, electricity, and water resources throughout the continent; and to provide a privileged -- and institutionalized -- role for transnational corporations in continental deregulation.

"Community" from the Top

increased rather than decreased inequality.

a new model for global governance -- by and for elites -- that could be used to link other developed and developing countries.

build a North American identity.

A seamless North American market would create economies of scale for the largest corporations.

substantially raise profits for biotechnology and pharmaceutical firms.

a public demand that SPP provisions be submitted to Canadians for a vote.


SPP is a Trojan horse aimed at trapping Canadian workers into a downward spiral of global competition and neoliberal policies.

social spending, including the deeply popular single-payer health insurance program.
Instead, elites used the logic of competition to tighten first monetary and then fiscal policy -- much as Reagan did in the United States in the 1980s. As in the United States, recession followed.

resulting deterioration in services became the pretext for experiments in private health care provision that could jeopardize the entire single-payer system. In many cases, it is Canadian divisions of U.S. transnationals that are profiting.

Canadian activists began arguing for abrogating NAFTA and reversing cutbacks in health care funding and other public services.

Deep Integration and Natural Resources

merge the interests of Canadian and U.S. elites at the expense of ordinary Canadians.

a fully integrated, privatized North American
make energy more expensive for Canadian consumers
bulk water exports to the United States, threatening Canadian water security just as the world enters a period of anticipated severe water shortages.

From NAFTA to the SPP

voluntary regression from developed welfare state to exporter of natural resources
coercion and repression running through the SPP and NAFTA.

free-market reforms that opened the country to foreign investment. Wages and living standards plummeted.

appropriating land for highways and other projects requires massive dispossession of farmers and indigenous peoples.

eventually to extend to Central America,
a U.S.-led continental military and security structure.

criminalize protest

completely privatizing gas production and increasing private investment in its oil sector will strip Mexico of crucial resources for development at a time when world oil prices make them most valuable.


the Mexican constitution, which guarantees the benefits of the energy sector to the Mexican people and places management of oil and gas in the hands of state-owned Pemex.
chipped away at Pemex's jurisdiction while expanding the scope for private sector contracts

chronically starved for funds for exploration and development.
an argument for privatization

OPEC deposited the profits from those price hikes in U.S. banks, and those funds in turn became the capital U.S. banks used to lend to Mexico. Chaining Pemex's revenues to debt repayment in the 1980s meant Mexico was forced to increase output and add to what by then was a glut of world energy supplies -- thereby contributing to lower world prices and weakening its own revenues.

the United States willing to accelerate exhaustion of Mexico's remaining reserves to bolster its own increasingly precarious international energy position.

Upping the Ante


SPP's goals
remaking the political and economic governance structure of North America.
military integration, which in turn aims at consolidating the U.S. position in the hemisphere.

environmental consequences

SPP privatizes the regulatory functions of government on an international scale not seen before in industrialized democracies.

limit the legislative and regulatory powers of member states by imposing global standards such as "market access" and "national treatment" on how countries treat foreign investors.
create "one way roads" to privatization
used to prevent the United States from putting its own single-payer system in place.

create formal, tri-national structures for corporate regulatory input prior to involvement by legislatures or citizens
agencies already involved in the SPP includes the Department of Justice, the Department of State, the Federal Trade Commission, the Federal Communications Commission, the Departments of Agriculture and Energy, and the Department of Homeland Security.

SPP is a frontal assault on labor and civil liberties.

expanded cross-border contacts and focused study of the North American and global political economies.
creating economic and political alternatives that reflect its values.

a democratic Mexico with strong labor rights and a Canadian welfare state that survives the ravages of neoliberal globalization.

an environmental agenda based on conservation and renewable resources

an economic agenda based on diversity and human rights

a progressive voice
an international, powerful, and organized response

popular forces to challenge
international capital.
+++




Toward a More Corporate Union of the Americas?
Here comes the Security and Prosperity Partnership, but -- what security? whose prosperity?

By Katherine Sciacchitano, Dollars and Sense. Posted February 11, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/workplace/76648/?page=entire

Which is closer to your vision of North America?

Vision A: Three interdependent countries with vibrant social movements, respect for labor rights, and environmentally sustainable economies anchored in provision of social needs and respect for cultural autonomy?

Or Vision B: An unequal alliance dominated by the United States, complete with pumped up oil and gas production, increasing militarization, corporate transnational planning groups, and guest worker programs to ensure cheap, vulnerable labor?

If your answer is Vision A, there's good news and bad news. The good news is that this past August at a summit of the leaders of the United States, Canada, and Mexico in Montebello, Quebec, labor, environmental and globalization activists braved riot police and tear gas to demand democratic input into North American decision-making. The bad news is that the summit was about the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP) -- the real-world name of Vision B.

While left activists and researchers in Canada and Mexico have been spreading the word about the SPP for several years, so far in the United States the SPP, which was officially launched in March 2005, has mainly caught the attention of the right wing, which sees it as a stealth plan to impose a European Union-style government on the continent.

The SPP is not a North American version of the European Union. But it is a stealth plan -- one aimed at bypassing the kind of international solidarity that halted the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas and the Multilateral Agreement on Investment. The European Union emerged after years of public debate and a treaty ratified by member states. By contrast, the SPP is not a treaty and will never be submitted to the U.S., Mexican, or Canadian legislatures. Instead it attempts to reshape the North American political economy by direct use of executive authority. And while the European Union maintains an explicit role for government in addressing inequality within and between countries, the SPP's foundation is an unequal alliance where the United States retains the political and economic trump cards.

Designed to shore up the United States' weakening position as a global hegemon, the SPP's primary goals are to link economic integration of the three countries to U.S. security needs; deepen U.S. access to oil, gas, electricity, and water resources throughout the continent; and to provide a privileged -- and institutionalized -- role for transnational corporations in continental deregulation. The stakes for labor, the environment, and civil liberties in all three countries couldn't be higher. Yet because of the SPP's reliance on executive authority to push the agenda, many of the SPP's initiatives remain virtually invisible, even to many activists.

SPP Basics

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which went into effect in 1994, was designed to enhance the access of transnational capital from the United States to cheap Mexican labor and Canadian natural resources. The SPP deepens these relations and harnesses the so-called war on terror to an expanded U.S.-Mexican-Canadian trade agenda and a lopsided energy grab to secure U.S. access to dwindling continental oil and gas reserves.

As its name implies, the SPP has two basic parts: the Security Agenda and the Prosperity Agenda. Both are rooted in the United States' deteriorating global position, particularly its increased competition for access to global oil and gas reserves and worsening trade balance with China.

With the explicit aim of securing North America from "internal" as well as external threats, the Security Agenda coordinates intelligence activities among the three countries and streamlines the movement of "low risk" goods and people (especially so-called "NAFTA professionals") across borders. It also involves extensive military coordination, much of it focused on protecting energy and transportation infrastructure. (Consolidating a North American military structure no doubt also serves as an offensive hedge against Venezuela's attempt to shape an independent South American energy policy.)

The Prosperity Agenda continues the Security Agenda's focus on energy. World demand is growing as traditional sources from the Middle East, Russia, and South America are becoming less secure; and the resulting price increases and realignment of power threaten a redistribution of wealth and power in favor of the oil and gas producers, many of them in the Global South. The Prosperity Agenda aims first and foremost at consolidating U.S. control over North American energy supplies, first by expanding production in Canada and Mexico, and second by increasing U.S. access to that production by deregulating energy markets. In addition to expanding energy production, Prosperity Agenda activities include a tri-national framework for "minimizing" regulatory "barriers"; special committees on the auto and steel industries; removal of constraints on movement of capital and financial services; and expanded and streamlined cross-border transportation networks -- networks that will facilitate not only trade within the continent, but more outsourcing to Asia.

The official SPP website posts official documents, but ongoing discussions are shrouded within tightly controlled annual summits, ministerial level meetings, and working groups that exclude civil society participation. Corporations, however, have a privileged view of the road ahead and provide guidance and direction through a specially-created North American Competitiveness Council. U.S. members of the NACC include Wal-Mart, Merck, GE, UPS, FedEx, and Kansas City Southern. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Council of the Americas -- whose website brags that its blue-chip members represent the majority of private U.S. investment in Latin America -- serve as the U.S. secretariat.

NACC advice is taken seriously. In February 2007, the NACC issued detailed recommendations for energy integration, streamlining regulatory processes, and the speedy resumption of trade after emergencies. Six months later at their August 2007 summit, the countries announced an energy cooperation agreement, an avian flu preparedness plan with emergency border-management procedures, and a regulatory cooperation framework. The regulatory framework -- complete with goals and action plan -- specifically incorporates NACC recommendations to increase reliance on voluntary standards and to analyze regulations for their cost to trade. Although the framework doesn't say exactly how principles would be applied to different industries, the NACC's 2007 report gives several telling examples, including regulations harmonizing "hours of service" for truck drivers that would expand permissible weekly driving hours, which safety advocates are already challenging in court. Canadian plans to "harmonize" pesticide use to U.S. levels -- an action that will raise exposure levels for most regulated pesticides -- also provide a glimpse at the kinds of regulatory changes we can expect from the SPP.

"Community" from the Top

In the United States, the best-known proponent of the SPP is Robert Pastor, director of the Center for North American Studies at American University. NAFTA broke new ground by linking Mexico (a developing economy) with the United States and Canada (two major industrialized nations) in a pact to increase trade and investment. Predictably, NAFTA increased rather than decreased inequality. But for Pastor, NAFTA's real problem was its failure to build continent-wide institutions to push integration even further. He sees the SPP as a means of building those institutions, and envisions it as a new model for global governance -- by and for elites -- that could be used to link other developed and developing countries.

Building a North American Community, a 2005 independent task force report of the Council on Foreign Relations on which Pastor served, reveals the breadth of SPP's ambitions. The report called for a security perimeter around the three countries by 2010, so that goods and people would be checked once on entry and then move freely -- while being tracked -- within the continent, greatly diminishing the costs of trade. There would be a common tariff for goods from outside North America. Currently, NAFTA rules of origin require checking goods to ensure they contain sufficient North American content to qualify for duty-free treatment under NAFTA. A common external tariff would save money by eliminating the need to check for North American content. It would also facilitate expanded supply chains and outsourcing.

"Full labor mobility" would be preceded by greatly expanded guest worker programs tying immigration status to employment. "Development" funds for Mexico would translate into transportation and energy infrastructure to help foreign investment push past the maquila zone on the border into central and southern Mexico where poverty is greatest and wages lowest.

Intelligence sharing and joint military exercises would increase "interoperability" and protect strategic energy and transportation infrastructure. Mexican reticence to accept U.S. troops on its soil -- the result of eight U.S. invasions since its independence -- would be overcome in small steps such as joint disaster coordination and plans for fighting organized crime.

Academic and political exchange programs and North American Studies centers would help build a North American identity. Policy areas not touched by NAFTA or never implemented would be revisited. As one SPP participant put it, during NAFTA negotiations, the Canadians wouldn't talk about exporting water, the Mexican's wouldn't talk about privatizing oil, and the United States wouldn't talk about immigration. Barriers to maximizing energy production and cross border trade in oil, gas, and electricity would be eliminated and pressure put on Mexico's state-owned energy company, Pemex, to dramatically open itself to private investment. Air, rail, and trucking companies would be given unlimited access to all three countries.

Meanwhile, a common regulatory scheme would make "harmonized" (read: lower) North American standards the default approach to new regulations, and countries would have to justify more stringent requirements. A seamless North American market would create economies of scale for the largest corporations. Delays and costs of checking goods for compliance at the borders would be minimized. A rule of "tested once" would eliminate "duplicative" reviews of product safety and -- according to the council -- substantially raise profits for biotechnology and pharmaceutical firms.

The Perils of Being Close

U.S. corporations and elites that dominate continental production chains clearly stand to gain the most from the SPP. But in fact, the SPP's earliest roots lie in proposals by Canadian businesses and think tanks for what Canadians call "deep integration." Essentially a strategy for bypassing U.S. protectionism, deep integration seeks to leverage Canada's geographic proximity for greater access to U.S. markets. The idea received a serious boost in the days after 9/11. The United States buys 80% of Canada's exports, and so when the United States closed its borders following the attacks, Canadian businesses lost millions of dollars every hour. Canadian elites promptly concluded -- correctly -- that the price of continued access to U.S. markets was deeper cooperation on security matters.

Canada, like Mexico, quickly signed a "smart-border" agreement and began conforming its security practices to the needs of the Bush administration's war on terror. In 2002 Canadian officials provided information that helped the U.S. deport a Canadian citizen, Maher Arar, to Syria, where he was tortured. The Canadian government has since apologized, and Arar, a software engineer whose wife stood as a candidate for the New Democratic Party in 2004, has signed on to a public demand that SPP provisions be submitted to Canadians for a vote.

But the SPP's dangers for Canadians go beyond threats to civil liberties. Like NAFTA and the Canadian U.S. Free Trade Agreement (CUFTA) before it, the SPP is a Trojan horse aimed at trapping Canadian workers into a downward spiral of global competition and neoliberal policies.

Both NAFTA and CUFTA were sold to Canadians on the grounds that increasing trade would boost employment and productivity; that would in turn solidify the economic base for Canadian social spending, including the deeply popular single-payer health insurance program. Instead, elites used the logic of competition to tighten first monetary and then fiscal policy -- much as Reagan did in the United States in the 1980s. As in the United States, recession followed. Canadian exports, particularly of raw materials, increased, but overall competitiveness came largely from pushing up unemployment and driving down wages. Meanwhile, budget politics were used to squeeze rather than support social spending. The resulting deterioration in services became the pretext for experiments in private health care provision that could jeopardize the entire single-payer system. In many cases, it is Canadian divisions of U.S. transnationals that are profiting.

Not surprisingly, Canadian activists began arguing for abrogating NAFTA and reversing cutbacks in health care funding and other public services. With its security trump card and stratagem of rule by executive order, the SPP helps sidestep popular opposition to belt-tightening and the more expansive deep integration agenda.

Deep Integration and Natural Resources

Energy provides the strategic example of how SPP and deep integration would merge the interests of Canadian and U.S. elites at the expense of ordinary Canadians.

The United States is the world's largest energy consumer, and by 2025 it will be importing one third of its supply. Canada is the largest supplier of crude oil and natural gas to the United States, and has been deregulating its energy sector since the 1980s to increase access to U.S. markets. Now that rising oil prices have increased the financial feasibility of oil production from the vast Alberta oil sands, total Canadian oil reserves are second only to Saudi Arabia's. Canadian oil concerns are more eager than ever to increase sales to the United States.

In a fully integrated, privatized North American energy market, U.S. users would buy the lion's share of energy resources; at the same time, demand would increase for Canadian production, and so would prices. Not surprisingly, fully integrating North American energy markets figures prominently in the hopes of both U.S. and Canadian elites.

But the same mechanism would make energy more expensive for Canadian consumers, who will be in direct competition with U.S. buyers. In addition, easily-tapped Canadian conventional reserves are dwindling rapidly. Raising oil production accelerates their depletion and risks Canadian energy and environmental security. The huge quantities of gas and water needed for production from the oil sands increase environmental risks even more, and also make economic feasibility dependent on continued high oil prices.

Finally, Canada is home to a quarter of the earth's fresh water. Although it is not mentioned in official SPP documents, Canadian activists believe that SPP includes discussions of bulk water exports to the United States, threatening Canadian water security just as the world enters a period of anticipated severe water shortages.

From NAFTA to the SPP

If Canada's path to the SPP can be described as a voluntary regression from developed welfare state to exporter of natural resources, Mexico's reveals the combination of coercion and repression running through the SPP and NAFTA.

Mexico bought into NAFTA and neoliberalism as a result of the 1980s debt crisis. U.S. banks made huge low-interest loans to developing countries and then ratcheted up interest rates. When Mexico defaulted, the United States and the International Monetary Fund renegotiated Mexico's loans and saddled Mexico with free-market reforms that opened the country to foreign investment. Wages and living standards plummeted. Mexico abandoned what remained of its development plans and turned to neoliberalism, free trade, and the promise of increased foreign direct investment to pay its bills.

Foreign investment never materialized on the level expected. Meanwhile, Mexico enthusiastically reduced agricultural tariffs under NAFTA even as the United States flooded it with subsidized corn. Two million small farmers were driven from their land, increasing unemployment and driving down wages. Today half of all Mexicans live in poverty, with 15 million in extreme poverty. Half of new labor-market entrants can't find employment in Mexico, and remittances from migrants to the United States outstrip foreign direct investment. The situation will become even more dire when all remaining agricultural tariffs under NAFTA expire later in 2008.

Any economic plan actually centered on the needs of the Mexican people would include renegotiating NAFTA's agricultural provisions. Instead, agriculture is off the table, and immigration has taken center stage. Rebuffed by the anti-immigrant backlash in the U.S., Mexico is turning to Canada for an expanded guest-worker program, and the two countries have set up an SPP working group to discuss labor mobility.

Meanwhile, SPP negotiators are discussing funds to address "uneven development." In practice this means connecting Central and Southeastern Mexico -- regions which have some of Mexico's highest poverty rates and lowest wages, but also some of its richest gas reserves -- to U.S. markets. The region is also the target of former president Vicente Fox's 2001 Plan Puebla Panama, an $8 billion infrastructure program aimed at integrating southern Mexico with the CAFTA countries. The overall vision: stepped-up development of energy and gas reserves, an even lower-wage workforce for maquila production than on the U.S. border, and transportation and energy networks needed to produce and carry finished goods to U.S. consumers.

Of course, appropriating land for highways and other projects requires massive dispossession of farmers and indigenous peoples. Since many of the peasants NAFTA has displaced have already crossed the border to the United States, stepped-up immigration control and labor repression are both in the offing. So far, the two countries appear poised to limit migration from the CAFTA countries into southern Mexico, regulate the flow of Mexican immigrants to the United States in the north, and seal a captive, repressed workforce in between.

Mexico's participation in the SPP's security perimeter will greatly stiffen security along its southern border, where several hundred thousand migrants annually try to cross into Mexico from Central America to get to the United States. And the United States has already tightened security along Mexico's northern border, where 500,000 cross annually.

Bush's $1.4 billion request to the U.S. Congress for a "Plan Mexico," which he hopes eventually to extend to Central America, is linked to this plan. Billed as a "new paradigm" for security cooperation and fighting drug crime, in reality it's another step toward a U.S.-led continental military and security structure. It won't position U.S. soldiers on Mexican ground, but it will deepen coordination and provide intelligence, training, and equipment to Mexican military and police. The resources are certain to be used to against Mexico's growing social movements. Mexico's anti-terrorism law has already made it easier to criminalize protest. In 2002, the People's Front for Defense of the Land managed to halt construction of an airport that was part of Plan Pueblo Panama, and the Front also participated in the Zapatista campaign to boycott the last presidential election. In April 2006 the group came to the aid of flower growers and vendors in a confrontation with police in nearby San Salvador Atenco. Thirty five hundred police beat 200 of the town's 300 inhabitants; arrested 150; sexually assaulted 30 women; and killed two youths. For his part in the resistance, the movement's leader was sentenced to 67 years in prison -- the first prosecution under Mexico's post-9/11 anti-terrorism law.

Mexico's Energy Matters Too

As with Canada, Mexican energy is where the largest stakes are being played. Mexico is currently the third largest supplier of oil to the United States, yet estimates are that Mexican oil and natural gas reserves could be exhausted in as little as ten years. The SPP's plan to step up Mexican oil production by completely privatizing gas production and increasing private investment in its oil sector will strip Mexico of crucial resources for development at a time when world oil prices make them most valuable.

The main barrier to the SPP's privatization strategy is the Mexican constitution, which guarantees the benefits of the energy sector to the Mexican people and places management of oil and gas in the hands of state-owned Pemex. Pemex is a symbol of national sovereignty, and Mexico refused to commit to privatizing Pemex during NAFTA negotiations. But legislation in the '90s chipped away at Pemex's jurisdiction while expanding the scope for private sector contracts. More importantly, Pemex was severely undermined during the 1980s debt crisis, when oil and gas revenues were chained to foreign debt repayment.

As a result, Pemex has been chronically starved for funds for exploration and development. The shortage is routinely used as an argument for privatization. The SPP has plans to release a report this year highlighting Pemex's purported inefficiencies and need for private capital. Sixty percent of Pemex's revenues go to supplying nearly 40% of Mexico's national budget; no private firm could survive under similar constraints. Ironically, the 1970s loans that led to the 1980s debt crisis were made so Mexico could develop newly discovered oil during a period of record prices. Those record prices were the result of the 1973 OPEC oil boycott. OPEC deposited the profits from those price hikes in U.S. banks, and those funds in turn became the capital U.S. banks used to lend to Mexico. Chaining Pemex's revenues to debt repayment in the 1980s meant Mexico was forced to increase output and add to what by then was a glut of world energy supplies -- thereby contributing to lower world prices and weakening its own revenues. In effect, Mexico went into debt slavery to help undermine OPEC and cheapen the cost of energy for U.S. corporations. SPP's agenda brings the cycle full circle, with the United States willing to accelerate exhaustion of Mexico's remaining reserves to bolster its own increasingly precarious international energy position.

Upping the Ante

The SPP ups the ante for activists. Until now, labor and progressives -- at least in the United States -- have tended to focus on specific targets such as trade agreements or demands for debt relief. And when we analyzed NAFTA, we analyzed it in class terms, not in geopolitical terms. But the SPP's goals are broader and deeper even than NAFTA's goals. They aim at nothing short of remaking the political and economic governance structure of North America.

The wishes of Canadian and Mexican elites notwithstanding, the SPP's primary purpose is to buoy U.S. capitalism's flagging international position, from its trade deficit to its energy deficit. U.S. security, energy and transportation needs are the touchstones, and the draft agreement aligns the policies of Canada and Mexico -- and appropriates natural resources -- to meet those needs. Economic integration is conditioned on military integration, which in turn aims at consolidating the U.S. position in the hemisphere.

While the United States maintains most of the economic leverage in the triad, most hot-button issues are in Mexico and Canada. For U.S. activists in particular, bringing these issues alive will first require a much deeper understanding of our neighbors, and an ability to link their issues to domestic U.S. concerns.

Chief among the dangers for ordinary people in all three countries are the environmental consequences. Increasing rates of fossil fuel extraction in North America may feed the U.S. energy habit, but the solution is short term. The contributions to global warming for North America and the world, however, will not be.

The SPP's bundling of security with economic concerns also fuels Bush's war on terror, the accelerating militarization of U.S. foreign policy, and continued U.S. leadership of neoliberal globalization. Canada's commitments of troops in Afghanistan, increased military spending, and willingness to find common ground with the United States on Latin America and the Caribbean are one product of the noxious mix. Another is Mexico's willingness to serve as a counter-weight to Venezuelan attempts to harness its oil wealth to alternative regional and global development strategies.

In terms of daily governance, the SPP privatizes the regulatory functions of government on an international scale not seen before in industrialized democracies. NAFTA and other WTO agreements limit the legislative and regulatory powers of member states by imposing global standards such as "market access" and "national treatment" on how countries treat foreign investors. These standards create "one way roads" to privatization once countries begin liberalizing a sector. Applied to Canadian experiments in private health care, they could end up forcing Canada first to open its doors to for-profit foreign providers and insurance companies, and then to pay them the same subsidies given to Canadian public and nonprofit operators. In the United States (where health insurance is already private), they could be used to prevent the United States from putting its own single-payer system in place.

By contrast, the SPP bypasses national authority to create formal, tri-national structures for corporate regulatory input prior to involvement by legislatures or citizens. Many SPP goals are thus hidden at their inception; even after they emerge, most will be buried in the daily workings of executive agencies who have been directed to give maximum attention to corporate needs and trade. In the United States, a short list of agencies already involved in the SPP includes the Department of Justice, the Department of State, the Federal Trade Commission, the Federal Communications Commission, the Departments of Agriculture and Energy, and the Department of Homeland Security.

Finally, the SPP is a frontal assault on labor and civil liberties. Plan Mexico should be seen as a threat to human rights throughout the continent. The North American labor movement desperately needs a democratic Mexico where independent organizing and labor rights can be exercised without threat of violence. Instead, the SPP will intensify exploitation of Mexican labor and deepen the low wage neoliberal model in both the United States and Canada, as well.

What It Will Take

Currently, Bush is politically weakened by the Iraq war, Mexico's president Felipe Calderón by his election scandal, and Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper by his lack of a parliamentary majority, raising the question of whether the SPP will survive the leaders' terms in office.

But even if it were stopped in its current form, much of the SPP would continue. A Framework for Regulatory Cooperation has been signed, complete with goals for action and annual work plans. The North American Energy Working Group -- now integrated into the SPP -- was actually established in 2001. Plan Mexico, once funded, will take on its own life, and the push to privatize Pemex will continue.

Opposition to Plan Pueblo Panama gives some indication of the depth and breadth of the activism that will be needed to be effective with the SPP's agenda. Calderón recently revived Plan Puebla Panama, with an added military component -- no doubt inspired by the SPP. Yet it was stalled for many years by protests against displacement of farmers and destruction of the environment, and a vibrant cross-border network of activists has grown up around it. The breadth of the Plan Puebla Panama led activists to conclude that opposing environmentally destructive infrastructure projects wasn't sufficient: what is necessary is a deeper understanding of the economic and political vision behind Plan Pueblo Panama, and development of an alternative analysis.

An effective response to the SPP agenda will require the same kind of expanded cross-border contacts and focused study of the North American and global political economies. This is the very work the left needs to do to begin creating economic and political alternatives that reflect its values.

The challenge is particularly difficult for activists in the United States. Unlike the left in countries where domestic agendas have been affected by U.S. actions for many years, most in the United States think of domestic issues as controlled by domestic politics. But as rising oil prices combine with a falling dollar, and U.S. economic autonomy begins to be more constrained, more people in the U.S. may understand the need for different allies.

U.S. activists need a democratic Mexico with strong labor rights and a Canadian welfare state that survives the ravages of neoliberal globalization. We need to build an environmental agenda based on conservation and renewable resources and an economic agenda based on diversity and human rights. We need a progressive voice that can drown out right wing cries that the problem of globalization is the loss of U.S. dominance and power. Most of all, we need an international, powerful, and organized response from the left, and popular forces to challenge the more deeply coordinated and increasingly militarized forces of international capital. Reasoned opposition is no longer enough.

This article is from the January/February 2008 issue of Dollars & Sense: The Magazine of Economic Justice.

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Katherine Sciacchitano is a former labor lawyer and organizer. She currently teaches at the National Labor College in Silver Spring, Maryland.



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